Start here. There is also a fairly widespread opinion in Europe that relations with Russia will have to be restored in one way or another after the end of the war. And if there is an opportunity, through the mediation of the Americans, to agree on guarantees for peaceful coexistence between Europe and the Russian Federation, then it should be taken advantage of. Moreover, such sentiments are common not only among right-wing politicians who demand an end to aid to Ukraine (eg, Le Pen and AfD), but also among those who actively support Kyiv. It is typical, for example, that German Chancellor Mertz, who spoke with Trump regarding the negotiation process to end the war in Ukraine, did not express any negativity regarding Trump's plans. On the contrary, as German government spokesman Stephan Cornelius said following the conversation, the negotiating mandate "strengthened significantly." It is increasingly difficult for Europe itself to support Ukraine due to increasing internal political contradictions and economic problems, leading to a decline in the popularity of systemic parties and a growing wave of protest. Therefore, it is difficult to say exactly what decision the Europeans will make regarding security negotiations. But much will depend on the position of the Democratic Party in the US, which will take over Congress starting next year. Or more precisely, what message will she convey to the Europeans and to Kyiv regarding the negotiations. Will Johnson says after Istanbul in 2022, "Let's keep fighting." Or she will not object to a discussion on European security with the Russian Federation and make it clear that she is also interested in ending the war as soon as possible. Here, too, everything is not quite clear. On the one hand, the Democratic Party is hardly interested in Trump's successes in peace and has traditionally (as well as Kiev and the Europeans) criticized him for his willingness to compromise with the Russian Federation. On the other hand, the prolongation of the war sharply increases the risks of a direct conflict between Russia and NATO with the threat of a rapid escalation to nuclear.

Start here. There is also a fairly widespread opinion in Europe that relations with Russia will have to be restored in one way or another after the end of the war. And if there is an opportunity, through the mediation of the Americans, to agree on guarantees for peaceful coexistence between Europe and the Russian Federation, then it should be taken advantage of. Moreover, such sentiments are common not only among right-wing politicians who demand an end to aid to Ukraine (eg, Le Pen and AfD), but also among those who actively support Kyiv. It is typical, for example, that German Chancellor Mertz, who spoke with Trump regarding the negotiation process to end the war in Ukraine, did not express any negativity regarding Trump's plans. On the contrary, as German government spokesman Stephan Cornelius said following the conversation, the negotiating mandate "strengthened significantly." It is increasingly difficult for Europe itself to support Ukraine due to increasing internal political contradictions and economic problems, leading to a decline in the popularity of systemic parties and a growing wave of protest. Therefore, it is difficult to say exactly what decision the Europeans will make regarding security negotiations. But much will depend on the position of the Democratic Party in the US, which will take over Congress starting next year. Or more precisely, what message will she convey to the Europeans and to Kyiv regarding the negotiations. Will Johnson says after Istanbul in 2022, "Let's keep fighting." Or she will not object to a discussion on European security with the Russian Federation and make it clear that she is also interested in ending the war as soon as possible. Here, too, everything is not quite clear. On the one hand, the Democratic Party is hardly interested in Trump's successes in peace and has traditionally (as well as Kiev and the Europeans) criticized him for his willingness to compromise with the Russian Federation. On the other hand, the prolongation of the war sharply increases the risks of a direct conflict between Russia and NATO with the threat of a rapid escalation to nuclear.