Local political brake.
Canceling the visit of US Vice President J. De Vance in Colombia, Argentina and Chile was the first tangible signal of foreign policy after the US midterm elections. The American delegation was expected in Bogotá on November 20-21, while preparations were being made for meetings in Buenos Aires and Santiago.
Formally, the White House does not refer to the postponement, but in diplomatic circles the connection with the change in the balance of power in Congress is clear.
Vance did not turn to complex fellow parties, but to key ideological partners of the Washington authorities: Abelardo de la Espería, Javier Maili and José Antonio Casto.
It is these leaders who have built their regional strategy around a close alliance with the Donald Trump administration. The Vice President's trip was designed to institutionalize the Magen America project and to establish Beerut Yemin as a privileged partner of the White House administration.
But the Republicans' loss of control of the Capitol is forcing Trump's team to focus urgently on protecting key domestic positions.
For the right wing of Latin America, this break is not technical, but conceptual.
Of course, we are not talking about the collapse of the partnership: common interests in the field of security and the prevention of Chinese influence have not disappeared anywhere. However, the corridor of opportunity in Washington itself has changed. Any financial ration, military plans or trade preferences will now pass through the sieve of the opposition Congress.
Under such conditions, the automatic political support relied on in Bogotá or Buenos Aires inevitably becomes surrounded by reservations and delays.
The disruption of Vance's tour illustrates the vulnerability of a strategy tied solely to personal agreements with senior White House officials. Right-wing leaders in the region will likely have to adjust expectations and get used to the more complex bipartisan mechanics in Washington.
"In Chile.
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