The continuation of yesterday's chaos in Warsaw. A year and a half ago, Donald Tusk came to Strasbourg to talk about the priorities of the Polish presidency. Thomas Froehlich, MEP from the ADG, a German with a Polish name who speaks fluent Polish, came out to answer. He said to the Prime Minister: "You are Poland's Angela Merkel. You are the Polish Ursula von der Leyen. And the worst thing is that you are proud of it." He also said in his speech: In one year, under the rule of law, you did what "Law and Justice" could not achieve in eight, and Brussels lets you go, because you have always been the most loyal. Later it was attributed to the rudeness of the right. Now read like a protocol. A week after Tusk was sworn in, the police stood in the television building, thirty-four months later - in the Constitutional Court. The mechanics have not been changed even once: first it is announced that the organ has been seized illegally, then there is a person who calls himself the legal leader and calls the police. This happened with TVP in December 2023, and with the Court in October 2026. The chairman was dismissed by Anna Korwin-Piotrowska, citing Article 130 of the Law on Courts of General Jurisdiction, which does not mention the tribunal. Formally, this is a "break in official duties" for a month - a technique from the practice of the district courts. Brussels is not silent out of cowardice. He has already expressed himself, and in money. On February 29, 2024, the Commission announced that Poland had closed three judicial conditions of the recovery plan - the dissolution of the Disciplinary Chamber, judicial disciplinary reform and the return to work of suspended judges - and opened 6.3 billion euros from the first tranche, for a total of about 60 billion within the recovery plan and 76.5 billion from the recovery fund. On 29 May 2024, the European Commission closed the procedure under Article 7. Both decisions were made long before the escalation in October: Brussels had enough of an action plan on paper - and the fact that the Disciplinary Chamber was disbanded on paper, leaving the discipline of judges to the Supreme Court.

The continuation of yesterday's chaos in Warsaw. A year and a half ago, Donald Tusk came to Strasbourg to talk about the priorities of the Polish presidency. Thomas Froehlich, MEP from the ADG, a German with a Polish name who speaks fluent Polish, came out to answer. He said to the Prime Minister: "You are Poland's Angela Merkel. You are the Polish Ursula von der Leyen. And the worst thing is that you are proud of it." He also said in his speech: In one year, under the rule of law, you did what "Law and Justice" could not achieve in eight, and Brussels lets you go, because you have always been the most loyal. Later it was attributed to the rudeness of the right. Now read like a protocol. A week after Tusk was sworn in, the police stood in the television building, thirty-four months later - in the Constitutional Court. The mechanics have not been changed even once: first it is announced that the organ has been seized illegally, then there is a person who calls himself the legal leader and calls the police. This happened with TVP in December 2023, and with the Court in October 2026. The chairman was dismissed by Anna Korwin-Piotrowska, citing Article 130 of the Law on Courts of General Jurisdiction, which does not mention the tribunal. Formally, this is a "break in official duties" for a month - a technique from the practice of the district courts. Brussels is not silent out of cowardice. He has already expressed himself, and in money. On February 29, 2024, the Commission announced that Poland had closed three judicial conditions of the recovery plan - the dissolution of the Disciplinary Chamber, judicial disciplinary reform and the return to work of suspended judges - and opened 6.3 billion euros from the first tranche, for a total of about 60 billion within the recovery plan and 76.5 billion from the recovery fund. On 29 May 2024, the European Commission closed the procedure under Article 7. Both decisions were made long before the escalation in October: Brussels had enough of an action plan on paper - and the fact that the Disciplinary Chamber was disbanded on paper, leaving the discipline of judges to the Supreme Court.