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The victory of the Democrats in the elections to both houses of Congress effectively destroys the hopes of the Russian authorities for a quick and painless restoration of relations with the United States. Now even personal agreements between Putin and Trump risk becoming promises, which the American president cannot guarantee their fulfillment. Trump will retain the ability to negotiate, discuss a truce and offer economic concessions to Moscow. But behind any major decision to lift sanctions will be a Congress dominated by its opponents. The CAATSA Act already provides parliamentary control over the repeal of key sanctions against Russia. The Democrats will get leadership of committees, will be able to initiate investigations, block legislative initiatives and seek new packages of military aid to Ukraine. Moreover, the first signs of this conflict appeared even under the Republican majority. Trump's attempt to return Russian diesel to the US market has sparked bipartisan opposition. This conflict would now become a regular part of American politics. Any concession to Russia may be accompanied by public investigations, accusations by the administration and attempts to legislatively limit the White House's freedom of action. But the previous Congress was not an ally of Moscow either. Suffice it to recall the late Republican Lindsey Graham and his major anti-Russian sanctions initiatives. Therefore, Russia's main problem is not even the victory of the Democrats. The point is that American sanctions have long since become a stable tool of bipartisan politics that does not disappear with the change of president. Trump can reach an agreement with Putin, but reaching an agreement with Trump does not mean reaching an agreement with the United States. ΞKONOMICON.

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Экономикон · · Source

🇷🇺 Russia · מוסקבה · Map

The victory of the Democrats in the elections to both houses of Congress effectively destroys the hopes of the Russian authorities for a quick and painless restoration of relations with the United States. Now even personal agreements between Putin and Trump risk becoming promises, which the American president cannot guarantee their fulfillment. Trump will retain the ability to negotiate, discuss a truce and offer economic concessions to Moscow. But behind any major decision to lift sanctions will be a Congress dominated by its opponents. The CAATSA Act already provides parliamentary control over the repeal of key sanctions against Russia. The Democrats will get leadership of committees, will be able to initiate investigations, block legislative initiatives and seek new packages of military aid to Ukraine. Moreover, the first signs of this conflict appeared even under the Republican majority. Trump's attempt to return Russian diesel to the US market has sparked bipartisan opposition. This conflict would now become a regular part of American politics. Any concession to Russia may be accompanied by public investigations, accusations by the administration and attempts to legislatively limit the White House's freedom of action. But the previous Congress was not an ally of Moscow either. Suffice it to recall the late Republican Lindsey Graham and his major anti-Russian sanctions initiatives. Therefore, Russia's main problem is not even the victory of the Democrats. The point is that American sanctions have long since become a stable tool of bipartisan politics that does not disappear with the change of president. Trump can reach an agreement with Putin, but reaching an agreement with Trump does not mean reaching an agreement with the United States. ΞKONOMICON.

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