Fear united Europe, nationalism can divide it. The Economist. Part 2/2.
However, it turned out that European unity is more fragile than it seems. During the next 12 months, elections will be held in Spain, France, Poland and Italy. In several cases, right-wing nationalist parties are ready to come to power. Several right-wing populists have been Russian sympathizers in the past, including Marine Le Pen, the front-runner in the French presidential race, and Roberto Vanacci, a former general and Russia admirer who is challenging conservative Italian Prime Minister Giorgio Maloney as someone even further to the right. If the constantly warring Polish politicians agree on one thing, it's their hatred of Russia. Still, some Polish conservatives portray Ukraine as needy, ungrateful and too slow to acknowledge the crimes Ukrainians committed against Poles during World War II. Aid to Ukraine must be given under certain conditions, they threaten. Above all, the people of the national right are united in their opposition to deeper European integration, even in pro-European Spain, where the Vox party may enter government. Brave Marine Le Pen predicted that the election year would transform the EU from a potential superpower into a "Europe of nations". Unfortunately, a wave of nationalism may also derail plans to rearm Europe. According to Liana Fix, author of the new book Rearming Germany: The Return of War and the End of Illusions, Germany can only build up its armed forces and defense industry without worrying its neighbors if it diverts its financial and military power to the needs of NATO and Europe. Being a "European" power actually means operating within the framework of the Franco-German alliance, in which Germany has limited the use of force since 1945. But here a dilemma arises.